By V. Motapanyane
Quantity fifty eight of the "North Holland Linguistic Series", edited through Virginia Motapanyane, presents an up to date evaluation of experiences in Romanian syntax. Bringing jointly linguists operating in the box of generative grammar, the volume's comparative method demonstrates the relevance of Romanian facts to grammatical thought. The editor's introductory bankruptcy offers a necessary precis of advancements in Romanian syntax and is the best guidance for the reports contained during this quantity, either for love experts and for these much less acquainted with the subject.
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Extra resources for Comparative Studies in Romanian Syntax
Option (b) is licensed by the (unavoidable, in Chomsky's view) stipulation that all the formal features of a lexical item are automatically "dragged along" when one of them is attracted by a target for checking purposes. It needs to be stressed that the checking processes envisaged by Chomsky are different hi spirit from the "criteria" proposed in Rizzi (1991), although the two share an operational configuration, the Spec-Head configuration.
2. and section 5, respectively. 2. Multiple wh-interrogatives. Romanian is a language with multiple wh-fronting (see Rudin 1988, PesetsM 1987), as illustrated in (54a); (54b) shows that multiple wh-fronting is compulsory. (54) a. b. Cinej C6j [ 6j spusese 6j ]]? ' [Cinej (despre C6j) [crezi ca 6; mia povestit e/(*despre ce)]]? ' For (54), Comorovski (1996) considers Romanian to be a language that allows reiteration of CP, yielding the structure in (55). spusese t^ Rudin (1988) shows that multiple wh-interrogatives in Romanian and Bulgarian share a number of 30 Comparative studies in Romanian syntax properties which differ systematically from the multiple wh-constructions in Slavic languages.
Ion maine nu canta la pian. ' Nu-mi mai place (*imimai) culoarea galben. ' Mama nu iar mai tot certa daca ar fi linistiti. ' Profesoara - ar (*mereu) fi mereu in §coala daca n - ar avea de lucru. ' In (40a), the negative morpheme and the verb are adjacent. In (40b), a clitic pronoun and an adverbial intensifier intervene between negation and the verb, on a par with the conditional auxiliary structure in (40c). Clitic-like elements are not allowed post-verbally or hi any other position, as shown in (40b).