Classical NEG Raising: An Essay on the Syntax of Negation by Chris Collins, Paul M. Postal, Laurence R. Horn

By Chris Collins, Paul M. Postal, Laurence R. Horn

In this publication, Chris Collins and Paul Postal think of examples such the only less than at the interpretation the place Nancy thinks that this path isn't fascinating: Nancy does not imagine this path is interesting.

They argue such examples instantiate one of those syntactic elevating that they time period Classical NEG elevating. This includes the elevating of a NEG (negation) from the embedded clause to the matrix clause. Collins and Postal strengthen 3 major arguments to help their declare. First, they exhibit that Classical NEG elevating obeys island constraints. moment, they record syntactic elevating research predicts either the grammaticality and specific houses of what they time period Horn clauses (named for Laurence Horn, who found them). eventually, they argue that the houses of sure parenthetical constructions strongly aid the syntactic personality of Classical NEG elevating.

Collins and Postal additionally supply a close research of the most argument within the literature opposed to a syntactic elevating research (which they name the Composed Quantifier Argument). They convey that the evidence appealed to during this argument not just fail to clash with their process yet really help a syntactic view. during their argument, Collins and Postal contact on quite a few similar themes, together with the syntax of unfavorable polarity goods, the prestige of sequential negation, and the scope of damaging quantifiers.

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Extra resources for Classical NEG Raising: An Essay on the Syntax of Negation

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Following the general assumptions made in Postal 2005, we propose to analyze these cases in terms of double NEG structures, dubbed reversals, a term motivated by the fact that a second NEG scoping over the first nullifies the semantic consequences of the first one, as formally shown in (7). On this analysis, the structures of the examples in (3) are respectively (6a–c): (6) a. At most half of the class knows [[NEG2 [NEG1 SOME]] physics] b. Everybody who steals [[NEG2 [NEG1 SOME]] candy] will get caught c.

Karen would *(not) lift a finger to help Sidney. b. Karen did not think/*declare that Ted would lift a finger to help Sidney. Sixth, minimizers of the class {dick, diddly (squat), jack (shit), shit, squat, . } are also assumed to be strict NPIs. Henceforth, we refer to this 8 Chapter 1 class as JACK. The relevant contrasts for the strict usages of these forms are illustrated in (13): (13) a. Ted would *(not) understand jack(shit)A/squatA about Turkish politics. b. 8 Seventh and last, adverbials of the class in days/weeks/months/years also form strict NPIs: (14) a.

3 Verbal Negation Given the above account of NPIs, how should negation be analyzed when no NPIs are present (to serve, in our framework, as sources for NEGs), as in the following example? (8) Melissa didn’t leave. The most uniform analysis possible for negation would claim that the postAux NEG is always raised from some other position. To maintain that view, we suggest that the NEG immediately following a finite Aux is always in a derived position (a noninitial position in the framework of Postal 2010).

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